All American Massacre

The film was to act as both a prequel and sequel to Texas Chainsaw Massacre 1 and 2. Set years after the events of the Texas Chainsaw Massacre 2, Chop Top has been captured and placed in a psychiatric prison. We'd see various memories of his family throughout the film, as he was interviewed by a tabloid. Chop Top would then escape and start a new massacre, an "All American Massacre".

All American Massacre

Joseph Smith was no pacifist, and he preached an aggressive self-defense against the Mormon Church's many enemies. Up until September 1857, however, the Mormons had been the victims of violence more than its purveyors. That all changed with the darkest incident of the Mormon War, the atrocity known as the Mountain Meadows massacre.

The Mormon WarThe massacre came about in the context of a rising conflict between Mormon leader Brigham Young and the federal government. When the Mormons had first arrived in the Salt Lake area in 1847, it was Mexican territory, but the U.S. soon claimed the land after the Mexican-American War. The Compromise of 1850 made Utah a U.S. territory. Brigham Young was appointed its first territorial governor in 1850 and re-appointed in 1854, but conflict soon developed between his theocracy and several non-Mormon officials who had been sent to the territory by the federal government. Those officials levied accusations of intimidation and the destruction of government documents against Young. From the beginnings of his presidency, James Buchanan judged it necessary to use force to assert federal supremacy in Utah. In the spring of 1857 he declared the territory in "rebellion," and soldiers amounting to 20 percent of the entire American army began to march west that summer. For the Mormons, this approaching force raised the specter of past "extermination orders" and state-sanctioned violence against them, and Young's followers prepared for war. In August, the Mormon leader declared himself in defiance of all "Governments, but especially ours ... I will fight them and I will fight all hell."

The AftermathAs it turned out, the Mormon War ended quickly; U.S. soldiers marched unopposed through Salt Lake City in June 1858, Young accepted a new governor for Utah, and President Buchanan pardoned the Mormons for their "rebellion." But the stain of the Mountain Meadows massacre was not so easily erased; Lee remained a fugitive until November 1874 and went on trial for murder the next year. The trial ended in a hung jury, but then Young struck a deal with the U.S. Attorney. In exchange for receiving evidence that would confirm Lee's guilt, the prosecutor agreed not to go after any other Mormons, nor seek to implicate the church hierarchy in the massacre. Lee felt betrayed, but, in Young's words, "The time has come when they will try John D. Lee and not the Mormon Church, and that is all we have ever wanted." The militia leader was convicted in 1876 and executed in March 1877 at Mountain Meadows.

Though some local white residents of Phillips County still contend that white people at the time acted appropriately to prevent a slaughter in the Elaine area in 1919, the modern view of most historians of this crisis is that white mobs unjustifiably killed an undetermined number of African Americans. More controversial is the view that the military participated in the murder of blacks. Race relations in this area of Arkansas are currently quite strained for a number of reasons, including the events of 1919. A conference on the matter in Helena in 2000 resulted in no closure for the people in Phillips County. On September 29, 2019, a memorial to those who died during the massacre was dedicated in downtown Helena-West Helena. On November 5, 2019, the Elaine Twelve were memorialized on the Arkansas Civil Rights Heritage Trail in Little Rock.

In this analysis, we look at the estimated dollar amounts of lost wealth from the 1921 massacre, and consider what that collective wealth might be able to accomplish in contemporary Tulsa were that money still in circulation. Specifically, we look at what that collective wealth could accomplish in terms of financing college education, buying homes, and starting businesses.

A recent analysis of census data has provided another way of understanding the economic harms of the massacre. In an article for The Atlantic, the authors write that before the massacre, Black residents were doing better than in comparable cities in the region, and that the massacre negatively impacted home ownership, marriage, wages, and employment in the subsequent decades.

Yet for the longest time, the massacre received scant mentions in newspapers, textbooks and civil and governmental conversations. It wasn't until 2000 that the slaughter was included in the Oklahoma public schools' curriculum, and it did not enter American history textbooks until recent years. The 1921 Tulsa Race Riot Commission was formed to investigate in 1997 and officially released a report in 2001.

"The massacre was actively covered up in the white community in Tulsa for nearly a half century," said Scott Ellsworth, a professor of Afro American and African studies at the University of Michigan and author of "The Ground Breaking" about the Tulsa massacre.

"When I started my research in the 1970s, I discovered that official National Guard reports and other documents were all missing," Ellsworth said. "Tulsa's two daily white newspapers, they went out of their way for decades not to mention the massacre. Researchers who would try to do work on this as late as the early 1970s had their lives threatened and had their career threatened."

These photos, which were later discovered and became the materials the Oklahoma Commission used to study the massacre, eventually landed in the lap of Michelle Place at Tulsa Historical Society & Museum in 2001.

The Tulsa museum was founded in the late 1990s, but visitors couldn't find a trace of the race massacre until 2012 when Place became executive director, determined to tell all of Tulsa's stories. A digital collection of the photographs was eventually made available for viewing online.

Not only did Tulsa city officials cover up the bloodbath, but they also deliberately shifted the narrative of the massacre by calling it a "riot" and blaming the Black community for what went down, according to Alicia Odewale, an archaeologist at University of Tulsa.

For Black Tulsans, the massacre resulted in a decline in home ownership, occupational status and educational attainment, according to a recent study through the 1940s led by Harvard University's Alex Albright.

Meanwhile, historians and archaeologists continued to unearth what was lost for decades. In October, a mass grave in an Oklahoma cemetery was discovered that could be the remains of at least a dozen identified and unidentified African American massacre victims.

Struggling oil and gas companies are facing tighter access to bank capital. In addition, a number of companies with bonds outstanding face upcoming maturities, and they need to raise new money to pay off the old money. But capital markets, given the massacre going on right now in the industry, are leery of these oil and gas buying opportunities at the moment. 041b061a72